12) FROM CONQUISTADORS TO OLIGARCHY

 

By Larry Wasslen, Ottawa

 

            As historical background to People's Voice coverage of the Salvadorian election, this article covers the years between the conquest and the modern period of fascist violence which began in the 1930s.

 

            Like all countries in the so‑called "new world" the history of El Salvador is one of savage repression, genocide, and heroic resistance. The people of tiny Cuzcutlan, the name of the area used by the first nations of present day El Salvador, endured centuries of violence and exploitation, but their spirit of struggle was never defeated.

 

            Even before the first Spanish incursions into Cuzcutlan, a devastating smallpox epidemic swept through Central America between 1519 and 1524. Fifty to eighty percent of the aboriginal population died from exposure to European diseases.

 

            When Pedro de Alvarado, one of Cortez's chief lieutenants, began his invasion in 1524, the Pipil, Lenca, Chorti and other peoples, though still trying to recover from smallpox, put up incredible resistance. The invaders were driven back by the Pipil warriors led by Chief Atlacatl at the Battle of Acajuctla.

 

            Subsequent invasions proved more successful and San Salvador was established in 1525. Western El Salvador took three more years to subdue while the Lenca held on for another two years. San Miguel was established in 1530. The initial conquest took 15 years to complete and an additional 12 years to "secure" the territory of just over 20,000 square km.

 

            Spanish colonial rule lasted until 1821. While the province did not contain the gold and silver the conquistadors so desperately sought, it did have very fertile land which was quickly occupied by the "peninsulares", colonists who came directly from Spain, and by the "criollos", descendants of the Spanish colonizers.

 

            The First Nations peoples were forced to become slaves or serfs via the Spanish encomienda, repartamiento, and debt peonage systems.

 

            The encomienda, first used against the conquered Moors of Spain, provided the conquistadores with cheap labour, tribute and personal service from First Nations people, in return for "protection" of the rights of the peasants to use their own land.

 

            Repartamiento provided conscript labour to private individuals and to institutions such as the Catholic Church, and various levels of government. In theory the repartamiento system meant that Indian men between the ages of 16‑60 were to work about 1/3 of the time for the ruling class, but in practice it was far more exacting.

 

            Debt peonage was involuntary servitude based upon indebtedness of the peasant to the owner of very large farms or "haciendas". The conquistadors, the peninsulares and their criollo descendants occupied the best land and implemented these systems of exploitation to enrich themselves, while the First Nations and ladino (or mixed blood) peasants were kept in ever increasing poverty. The land would remain the basis of power for the oligarchy of El Salvador.

 

            The ruling class in El Salvador has consistently developed agriculture based on exports. Initially cacao and indigo were grown on large haciendas in the fertile valleys between the volcanoes which dot the horizon. Exports destined for Spain and other industrial countries such as England provided foreign exchange, which was used to supply the idle rich with luxury goods. The First Nations and ladino peasantry continued to live as forced labourers and by subsistence agriculture.

 

            The beginning of the 19th century brought increasing competition between the peninsulares, still loyal to the colonial government and the more liberal criollos, merchants and land owners alike. The crown tried to restrict trading opportunities and loyal hacendados received greater access to forced First Nations labour.

 

            International events such as Napoleon's invasion of Spain, the drop in price of indigo on the world market and increasingly independent action of the criollo section of the ruling class, led to disagreements and competition between the privileged conservative and liberal land owners.

 

            The first liberal revolt was led by Father Jose Matias Delgado in 1811. As the power of the crown decreased, the liberals stepped forward to proclaim independence on September 15, 1821.

 

            In 1823 the land owners organized themselves as part of the United Provinces of Central America, but the ruling class was divided. The conservatives sought "moderation, order, and the stability of traditional, familiar institutions", while their liberal counterparts argued for a more modern state which would decrease the influence of the Church, liberalize the economy based on exports, eliminate certain privileges and open the government to the upper echelons of the ladino land owners and professionals.

 

            Civil War between Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica broke out in 1826. In the 17 year history of the United Provinces, there were 32 presidents as each section of the bitterly divided ruling class sought dominance. The structure itself collapsed and El Salvador proclaimed its second attempt at independence in 1838.

 

            The rivalry between the conservative and liberal fractions of the ruling class would continue until 1871 when the "progressives" finally won. Liberalism meant a great leap forward for capitalism, and ever more repression for the First Nation and ladino working class and peasantry. As coffee exports expanded the landed oligarchy went after more and more land. Liberals passed anti‑vagrancy laws to drive peasants from their privately owned lands. In 1881‑1882 the same oligarchy went after communal land help by the remaining First Nations. The greed of the coffee plantation owners was insatiable.

 

            Forty five presidents held office between 1838 and the military dictatorship of the fascist General Maximilano Hernandez Martinez. The plight of the working class and peasantry continued to deteriorate throughout this period.

 

            Yet resistance was always in play. Between 1537 and 1547 anti‑Spanish rebellions were launched from Higuereo. In 1625 major slave riots rocked the capital, San Salvador. Another example of determined resistance was the independence struggle of the Nonualco First Nation lead by Anastasio Aquino in 1832‑1833. Although Aquino's forces did liberate San Vicente and Zacatecoluca they did not move against San Salvador. This allowed government forces to contain and crush this liberation struggle. Later, five peasant uprisings took place between 1872 and 1898.

 

            What was evident to the First Nations and ladino population was that independence from Spain meant greater freedom for the oligarchs and greater exploitation for the majority of the people.

 

            El Salvador, a tiny country in the centre of Central America, endured three centuries of conquest and exploitation at the hands of the conquistadores, their peninsular followers and creole descendants.

 

            The First Nations, Pipiles, Lencas, Chortis, and others put up stiff resistance. It took many years for the area to be conquered and secured. Notwithstanding Spanish control and massive repression revolts, rebellions, and liberation movements have always been a critical part of Salvadorian history.

 

(The above article is from the March 1-15, 2014, issue of People's Voice, Canada's leading socialist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited. Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for U.S. readers - $45 US per year; other overseas readers - $45 US or $50 CDN per year. Send to People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 706 Clark Drive, Vancouver, BC, V5L 3J1.)