13) ANNIE BULLER: WORKING CLASS HERO

 

From a speech by Helen Kennedy, to the annual Norman Bethune Day Dinner, held February 22, 2014, in Toronto

 

            One of Dr Norman Bethune's contemporaries was the incredible Annie Buller. Annie's connection to Bethune was short ‑ no doubt they met at some point as Annie was a founding leader in establishing the Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, which supported the 1200 Canadians who fought in the Spanish Civil War and raised money for her comrade Norman's blood transfusion unit ‑ the first ever to bring blood to the wounded in the front lines of battle. Norman would

have worked quite closely with Annie when he returned from Spain in 1937 to assist in raising funds to support the cause.

 

            And while Bethune was born in Gravenhurst, Ontario in 1890 and Annie in Montreal, Quebec, in 1896, both began their political lives in Montreal and were extremely interested in the education of the working class. Norman and Annie themselves were early labour educators. Norman was a labourer‑teacher at Frontier College in 1911‑12, which was founded on the principle of educating the "whole family wherever the work is". Annie's first love was education ‑ after meeting Bella Gauld, a fellow Montrealer at the Marxist‑based Rand School of Social Sciences in New York City in 1918, they began working on setting up the first Labour College in Montreal, which became a reality in 1920. The Montreal Labour College laid the foundation for the formation of the Communist Party in Quebec and it was this section of the party that Bethune joined upon returning from the Soviet Union in 1935.

 

            Having established now that Bethune and Buller were truly contemporaries, let's focus on the life and times of Annie Buller. I have to say that I knew very little of Annie Buller before taking on this task. I knew she was one of the early leaders of our party who was jailed for defending the miners in Estevan, Saskatchewan. And of course I would recognize her anywhere from the picture that we have hanging in our office upstairs ‑ that square face with the formidable jaw that resonated strength and determination. I also knew her as the mother of one of my dear trade union comrades, Jim Buller, who I defended on a regular basis at the Labour Council in Toronto.

 

            I was taken with two very apt descriptions of our Annie Buller. Tom McEwen, in The Forge Glows Red, describes Annie at his first meeting with her, shortly after she had organized the Montreal Labour College:

 

            A tall, slender, beautiful woman, crowned in a wealth of golden auburn hair and an infectious smile, starting out on a long road that was to see many heartbreaks and many victories, years of endless bargaining on the "market" for her exploited sisters and brothers in the needle trades, long months in prison in Brandon and North Battleford for her struggles on behalf of coal miners, endless battles to build the Workers Unity League unions and her beloved Communist Party, long years of arduous work seeking to direct the steps of her sister Canadians along the pathways to peace and progress; her "salary" often more on a level (if funds were available) with that of a low‑grade welfare handout, than associated with the word 'salary'... (Forge, p. 155 )

 

            And ten years later, another, just as accurate but much more comical, description of Annie Buller given to General JH McBrien, RCMP Commissioner, just after the murder of 3 miners in Estevan, as reported by Stephen Endicott in Bienfait: The Saskatchewan Miners' Struggle of '31:

 

            Annie Buller, also known as Mrs. Harry Guralnick. Born in Montreal; age: thirty‑six; height: 5' 10"; weight 140 lbs; build: medium; hair: dark brown; eyes: brown, wears heavy dark‑rimmed spectacles; religion: loyalty to the working class. Other particulars ‑ is a powerful speaker; very well‑liked. Dangerous agitator. Resides in Toronto. Is a member of the Political Committee of the Communist Party.' (Bienfait p. 119)

 

            As I came to learn, Annie was very deserving of both of these descriptions of her contributions to working class struggles in Canada.

 

            After the Montreal Labour College dissolved and the Marxist work continued by the new Workers' Party of Canada, the forerunner to the Communist Party, Annie continued her work as an educator and organizer. She was inspired by the Russian Revolution, and committed herself to build the Communist Party in Canada and also to organize workers into militant, class struggle trade unions.

 

            For the Party, Annie was the Business Manager for The Worker in the mid 1920s, and wrote often of the struggle of the needle trades workers to organize into a new Canadian‑based industrial union. By 1927 in the United States, the ILGWU had successfully expelled all its communist leaders (and probably sympathizers) and as a result lost almost half its membership. The ILGWU, committed to class collaboration, lost support amongst many of its Canadian members as well. Annie was invited to the first convention of the Industrial Union of Needle Trades Workers in the spring of 1929 as a representative of The Worker; shortly thereafter she became the organizer of the IUNTW which was aligned in 1931 to the Workers' Unity League.

 

            Annie's first organizing campaign was among the 3000 dressmakers in Toronto. Annie's work in the Industrial Union encapsulates the struggle which resonates still in the trade union movement ‑ the fight between class collaboration and class struggle principles. Stephen Endicott, in the book Raise the Workers' Flag: The Workers Unity League or Canada, 1930‑36, summarized the fight between the ILGWU and IUNTW:

 

            The two types of unionism competed for support among the dressmakers: shop floor, class struggle unionism advocated by the industrial union, in contrast to a unionism that "no longer saw manufacturers and workers as adversaries but as partners working together" as promoted by the ILGWU. (Flag, p. 230)

 

            In 1931, the Industrial union called a strike of all the dressmakers in Toronto. Just as today, the struggle pitted tactics of class struggle against those of class collaboration. The International Union sent in scabs to break the strike and enlisted support from Toronto politicians to disparage the striking workers. Striking workers were intimidated by thugs hired by the international union and the American Federation of Labour. Only 500 of the 3000 workers came out on strike, and the leaders had to admit defeat after only six days.

 

            While the strike had been a failure, it did educate the workers on the role of the International:

 

            Years of agitation and propaganda would not have convinced the workers that the International is really a scab agency, but their despicable work during the general strike proved them to be an agency that serves the interest of the bosses. (She Never Was Afraid, p. 29)

 

            Annie stated that the most important reason for losing the strike was the fact that not enough emphasis had been placed on building the effectiveness of shop floor committees.  "We talked about turning our faces to the factory, but we did not colonize our comrades". (Flag, p. 231) Again, for Annie, the need to educate the workers was paramount and central to winning the struggle for better working conditions.

 

            Annie left for Winnipeg shortly after the strike, but her advice was followed up by the new leadership. A strong emphasis was placed in the workplaces on organizing strong shop floor committees, which were elected by the predominantly female workforce. Sisters from each shop were put in charge of filing grievances. Executives were elected that represented each shop. When the Industrial Union called a strike three years later in 1934, 1500 workers responded. This strike was hugely successful: it resulted in wage increases from 10 to 40 per cent, an eight hour day, minimum wages, no contracting out, etc. (Flag, p. 233). Annie's pioneering work in organizing the dressmakers built a foundation for their success in 1934.

 

            Annie moved to Winnipeg in 1931 to work with the Needle Trade Unions that were faced with wage cuts and layoffs. It was from Winnipeg that Annie would be called to attend a rally of miners and their families in Bienfait, Saskatchewan.

 

            The Souris Valley in Saskatchewan was steeped in coal and home to six different mining companies ‑ including M&S (Manitoba and Saskatchewan), Western Dominion Colliers, Eastern Colliers, Crescent Colliers, Great West Coal and National Mines (Bienfait, p. 19‑21).

 

            The summer of 1931 was the third in a row of hot, dry weather and widespread crop failure. The area around Regina, including Bienfait, was in the epicentre of crop failures. In the midst of this, miners who would normally work on farms to help make ends meet, were facing general wage reductions of 10‑15%.

 

            The miners had tried to unionize early in the century when times were tough. This year, with the assistance of Sam Carr and Sam Scarlett, both leaders in the Communist Party of Canada and the Workers' Unity League, they were successful. By the end of the summer of 1931, Mine Workers Union Local 27 was formed.

 

            Let's take a step back for a minute. That same summer, there were 16,000 members organized into the National Unemployed Workers Association, associated with the Workers' Unity League. R.B. Bennett was Prime Minister and pledged to never allow the establishment of Unemployment Insurance. On Aug 11, eight leaders of the Communist Party of Canada were arrested, including Tim Buck, Sam Carr, Tom McEwan, and Matthew Popovich, and the Party office in Toronto was raided. The Communist leaders were charged under Section 98, which had been passed in 1919 to wreck the Winnipeg General Strike. Section 98 gave the government and the police the power to arrest anyone under a wide range of political offences much like today's anti‑terrorism legislation. The Communist Leaders were arrested for being members of an unlawful organization and with being parties to seditious conspiracy. Such is the backdrop for the events about to unfold in Estevan.

 

            The union set up bargaining committee for a first contract. The larger owners refused to come to the bargaining table and on September 7, 1931, 600 newly organized miners from the Souris coal fields went on strike.

 

            The miners had heard of the amazing woman union organizer in Winnipeg, and asked her to come to a rally on September 27 to support the workers and their families. Annie Buller arrived in Estevan to address the workers on September 27 and again on September 29, after a parade in support the striking miners.

 

            Annie spent her first day in Estevan touring the picket lines and meeting with women to help them sort the distribution of strike relief. Annie was horrified at the living conditions of the miners and their families. They were forced to rent sub‑standard housing provided by the owners; forced to shop at the company store that charged higher prices than anyone in town; fined for purchasing items from the Eaton's catalogue and charged the difference in prices; cheated on the amount of coal they loaded on the carts; charged for the hot water in the company showers; paid far less than they were worth on a consistent basis.

 

            The mine owners along with town officials, of course, did not want the rally or any meeting afterwards to happen. The town council passed a last minute resolution the morning of the parade make it illegal to hold any demonstrations in the town of Estevan and asked the local police and RCMP to assist in enforcing the resolution. The resolution was delivered to the union leaders after the miners and their supporters had begun to rally at the parade start.

 

            What happened next we all know. Fifty miners were injured and three miners were shot and killed. Miner Nick Nargan was shot by the Police Chief through the heart when he picked up an axe to chop the fire hose that was spraying water on the protestors. Miner Julian Drysko was shot dead when the Mounties opened fire on the protestors. Peter Markunus died when he was shot in the stomach and then forced to be driven 50 miles to the next nearest hospital after being refused treatment at the local hospital, by the same doctor that each miner paid $1.25 a month to for health coverage. (Bienfait, p. 93‑94).

 

            Annie, preparing her speech for the evening meeting that didn't happen, heard about the shootings and was assisted out of town and back to Winnipeg. In Winnipeg, she spoke at a quickly called meeting to drum up financial support for the miners. The police arrested another woman after the meeting, mistaking her for Annie, which luckily gave Annie the time to once again get out of town. This time she headed to Toronto, where she spoke at meetings to raise awareness and finances for the miners in Estevan. Annie was finally arrested on charges of incitement to riot, unlawful assembly and rioting and returned to Estevan.

 

            The charges against Annie were directly related to the other events happening in the party at the same time. In November, the Communist Eight were found guilty and sentenced to five years in jail ‑ effectively making it illegal to belong to the party. Annie Buller must also be made an example of, even if there wasn't real evidence to convict her! The police and owners spent the next several months concocting stories and finding willing sell‑outs to testify at her trial.

 

            Annie's commitment to the working class shone through the trial and appeal proceedings. Annie even led her own appeal ‑ during a decade when there were only 49 women even admitted to the legal profession. Let me read to you just a bit from her most eloquent defence:

 

            The blame must be laid at someone's door, ‑ and why not at mine? Mr. Perkins did not tell you why there was a strike; nor did he tell you that it was the conditions under which the miners worked and lived that forced them to organize a union and strike for human conditions. This, of course, would be portraying the struggle of the miners, and, of course, it is not Mr. Perkins job to do that. He is representing the Crown. I am representing the workers. I am not standing before you, Gentlemen of the Jury, as one who is trying to get out of a tight corner. I consider my efforts to assist the miners and their wives were worthwhile. (Bienfait, pp 124‑5)

 

            Gentlemen of the Jury, I am not apologizing for any of my actions. I cannot be justly convicted on this charge because I was not in Estevan at the time of the "riot" and my speech on the Sunday previous was not a speech inciting riot.

 

            When I face you here, I face you with my head held erect. I face you as a worker with ideals and convictions. Those ideals and convictions are linked with the tide of human progress. You cannot stop that tide of progress any more than you can stop the sea with a pitchfork. Regardless of what arguments or what legal points Mr. Sampson may raise, I am not guilty of this charge. But Mr. Sampson is the Crown Prosecutor, and it is his job to get a conviction. I have said before, and I say again, that it is not Annie Buller who is on trial here. It is the great class of producers that stand in the prisoners' dock, and not one realizes more than I, that the forces against us are very great. But, Gentlemen of the Jury, regardless of the outcome of this trial, I am going to remain loyal to my class, the workers class, the builders of the future. (Afraid p. 61)

 

            Despite her eloquence and the sheer dishonesty of the charges against her, Annie was convicted and sentenced to one year in prison, which she served in North Battleford.

 

            There were many more battles ahead for Annie, including another stint in jail in Manitoba after a conviction under the War Measures Act. But it was for her militant defence of the miners in Estevan that she will be most remembered.

 

            But we remember her tonight for her many contributions to building a better life for workers across this country.

 

            We honour her for her enormous contribution to labour history and for reminding us that the struggles in the labour movement today still hinge on that classic battle between forces of class collaboration and the progressive forces of class struggle.

 

            We also honour her for her contribution to the Communist Party of Canada. We honour her commitment to working class education, from the Montreal Labour College to her work with The Worker, The Tribune, The Western Clarion, The National Affairs Monthly, her work as Literature Director of the Party and Organizer at the Toronto Bookstore. We honour her for reminding us that the Communist press is an essential tool in the education of the working class.

 

            We honour her for the leadership she brought to the Party for our women comrades, those of her time and those who struggle to rebuild the party amongst women today.

 

            And to leave the last word to one of Annie's contemporaries, not in this case Norman Bethune, but Communist Leader Tom McEwen:

 

            To me, and thousands of Canadians, Annie Buller ever remains beautiful ‑ the kind of imperishable beauty that is won by a lifetime of service devoted to humankind" McEwen, (Forge p. 155)

 

(The above article is from the March 1-15, 2014, issue of People's Voice, Canada's leading socialist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited. Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for U.S. readers - $45 US per year; other overseas readers - $45 US or $50 CDN per year. Send to People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 706 Clark Drive, Vancouver, BC, V5L 3J1.)